Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 173

　Prime Minister Saionji is unable to control the army and has no way to explain himself to us. Ultimately, he will choose to escape, resign as prime minister, and avoid the unfavorable situation of being attacked from both the army and navy.

　Yamamoto Gonbei pondered for a long time, only to find that he couldn't refute the other party. Based on his understanding of Saionji, this man truly lacked the courage to fight to the death. Faced with a direct confrontation with the army and navy, he would definitely choose to resign. After all, he came from a government background, not from the bottom; power was something easily obtained for him, and there was really no need for him to hold on to it.

　Originally, it was thought that the Saionji Cabinet would have a period of stability after overcoming the diplomatic crisis, and thus become as long-lived as the Ito Cabinet before the war. However, after what Hayashi Shin'yoshi said, Yamamoto Gonbei realized that he should indeed be prepared.

　Chapter 593

　Yamamoto Gonbei knew that if he refused the opportunity to form a cabinet and kept his position as Minister of the Navy, then it wouldn't just be Kawahara and his ilk who were dissatisfied, because he was essentially blocking the path for his subordinates to rise in rank. Besides, he himself was indeed very eager for the position of Prime Minister and was not without ambition.

　However, this left him with fewer options. He had initially thought he still had time to sort out the problems within the Navy, at least to suppress the Kawahara faction, and then have Saito Makoto take over his position, so that he could retain a strong influence even after leaving the Navy.

　However, with the Saionji cabinet on the verge of collapse, he could no longer focus his energy on internal naval issues, but instead had to prepare a plan for forming a new cabinet. Although Ito broke the taboo of forming a naval cabinet, Ito Sukeyuki's cabinet did not actually demonstrate the political direction of the navy, but merely maintained the government by preparing for war and continuing Ito Hirobumi's Tokyo development plan.

　Because the Ito Cabinet was a compromise made by all parties, the conflict of interests among them caused its collapse as the war neared its end. Therefore, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could not learn from Ito Sukeyuki's experience in forming a cabinet, because contemporary Japan had lost external pressure and was now in a new era where internal conflicts outweighed international ones. He could not emulate Ito's method of using diplomacy to force compromises among internal parties.

　When it comes to domestic issues, both the army and the Kuomintang have a stronger stance than the navy. After the Satsuma Rebellion, the navy actually achieved its independence by distancing itself from domestic politics. During this period, the Choshu clique unified the military and the government, and at one point had control over the entire country.

　It was precisely the excessive power of the Choshu clique that aroused the Imperial Household's vigilance, leading to the Freedom and People's Rights Movement, the estrangement between Ito and Yamagata, and the Navy's ability to gain independence from the Army's interference. Saigo Tsugumichi's repeated refusal to form a cabinet stemmed from his desire to avoid involvement in the struggle between the Choshu and Imperial Household factions, which resulted in the fragmentation of the Satsuma clique's political power.

　Similar to the Choshu clique, which was led by Takasugi Shinsaku and Kido Takayoshi, the Satsuma clique achieved military and political unity under the joint leadership of Saigo Takamori and Okubo Toshimichi. However, the antagonism between Saigo and Okubo, and Okubo's assassination, led to a power struggle within the Satsuma clique. Ultimately, the bureaucrats of Okubo's faction sided with Ito Hirobumi, Kido Takayoshi's political successor, thus losing their political independence.

　Although Matsukata Masayoshi maintained the Satsuma bureaucratic circle left behind by Okikubo, his political shortsightedness meant that the Satsuma bureaucrats only achieved superficial unity and failed to form a political cohesion. Simply put, the so-called Satsuma clique bureaucratic circle was merely a club based on social ties; members supported each other based on their hometown connections, but they had no intention of fighting for the political goal of unification.

　For example, Makino Nobuaki, as a rising star of the Satsuma clique, easily became a minister, but when he wanted to put forward any political proposals, he did not receive the full support of the Satsuma bureaucrats. In contrast, when Yamagata issued an order, even if the Choshu bureaucrats did not agree with Yamagata's proposals, they would obey Yamagata's order, either by withdrawing from the current government or by opposing the bills that Yamagata opposed in the House of Peers.

　Yamamoto Gonnohyōe faces a problem not fundamentally different from Makino Nobuaki's. His desire to become prime minister is not the issue; the challenge lies in forming a cabinet that reflects his political intentions. Yamamoto is renowned for his competence as Minister of the Navy; if he were to become ineffective as prime minister, it would be a severe blow to his political reputation.

　Yamamoto certainly didn't want to be a mere passerby in the prime minister's position, nor could he afford to be ousted from office by public criticism like Matsukata Masayoshi and Inoue Kaoru. Therefore, the Chiba Prefecture development plan that Hayashi Nobuyoshi submitted to him today was quite important.

　Once he realized what was happening, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe quickly adjusted his mindset. It was obviously inappropriate to distance himself from Hayashi Nobuyoshi at this time. After all, after that meeting, almost all of the Navy's upper echelons acknowledged that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's vision was the most broad in the Navy. Hayashi Nobuyoshi's influence in the Navy had far exceeded his official position and rank. As long as the new line was not overturned, the entire Navy would inevitably become familiar with this name in the next ten or twenty years.

　If Yamamoto intends to remain as Minister of the Navy, then weakening Hayashi Nobuyoshi's influence within the navy as much as possible is naturally his top priority. After all, he cannot allow Hayashi Nobuyoshi to become the Minister of the Navy's subordinate; being led by the nose is not his style. However, if he is about to leave the navy soon, then reaching a certain compromise with Hayashi Nobuyoshi would be more conducive to maintaining his influence within the navy.

　Yamamoto took the plan in front of him and looked at it carefully for a while before solemnly asking Lin Xinyi, "If the army uses the troop increase plan to obstruct the government's work, then no matter who comes to power, this plan will not be able to be implemented, right?"

　Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "Therefore, we must provide a way out for retired army officers and soldiers. What we need to combat is the tendency of military dictatorship within the army, not the officers and soldiers themselves. The purpose of reducing the army is to make it serve the needs of the country, not to humiliate the officers and soldiers being reduced. Therefore, it is unreasonable to demand that the army reduce its own troops simply by issuing a downsizing order. Furthermore, the navy is also part of the military. If we cannot properly resettle retired army officers and soldiers, our navy personnel will also feel a sense of shared fate."

　Yamamoto Gonnohyōe nodded, his tone softening as he said, “Your perspective is correct. While I don’t advocate for complete confrontation between the military and the government, it’s a fact that their interests differ. The military and the government should have a cooperative relationship, not one where one dominates the other. We can’t prioritize soldiers during wartime and then abandon them afterward; how can we guarantee national security then? Since you’ve thought of this, you must have a solution in mind. Why don’t you share it with me?”

　After a few moments of contemplation, Lin Xinyi spoke again: "The Wave Newspaper collected some letters from military personnel and their families. We made a rough classification of these letters and found that almost all military personnel and their families were concerned about issues involving personal interests, such as the safety of their families, their treatment, the supply of the military, and the fairness of promotions. They were not very concerned about the future of the country and the navy."

　Therefore, we have a basic understanding of the military's ideology: officers join the army primarily to rise in society, not to serve the Emperor and the nation; soldiers join to escape their past lives, which are mostly associated with poverty. Young people who feel comfortable at home are unwilling to join the army, especially when war breaks out; the number of young people evading conscription is not in the hundreds or thousands, but in the tens of thousands.

　This proves that most people join the army not to serve their country or be loyal to the Emperor, but to change their lives; they see the army as an opportunity to escape their current situation. When the army faces a battle of equal strength, young people's willingness to join decreases.

　Therefore, the key to getting soldiers to accept the downsizing order lies not in who issues the order, but in whether the forced veterans have a future. If the order offers no alternative, the soldiers will inevitably be resentful. However, if leaving the military will bring them a better life, most will readily accept it.

　After pausing briefly to observe Yamamoto Kaisho's expression and confirming that the other party was indeed considering the issue rather than being averse to his statement, Lin Xinyi continued, "At the end of the last century, American financial groups formed trusts. By uniting large enterprises of the same kind, they acted in concert to dominate the market and control prices, ultimately resulting in a large amount of social wealth being concentrated in monopolistic trusts. As a result, in 1890, the U.S. Congress had to withdraw from antitrust laws in an attempt to prevent trusts from monopolizing the market."

　Yamamoto Kaisho looked at Lin Xinyi with some surprise and said, "You mean, opposing the market monopoly of those large conglomerates can solve the problem of career paths for retired officers and soldiers?"

　Lin Xinyi nodded at first, but then quickly shook his head and said, "Breaking the monopoly of the large conglomerates on the market and creating opportunities for small and medium-sized enterprises can revitalize the market and naturally increase employment. In the long run, this can indeed solve the problem of retirement for retired officers and soldiers. However, this method is too slow to take effect. What you need, Prime Minister Hai, is to quickly establish your ruling prestige after taking office and gain the trust of the government and the public so that you can put your political ambitions into practice. Therefore, you need short-term policies that are more effective."

　Yamamoto Gonbei finally couldn't hold back and leaned closer to Hayashi Shinichi, asking, "For example?"

　Lin Xinyi also stated frankly: "We can learn from the US trust company's market control model and create several national trust companies to resettle retired officers and soldiers."

　For example, in industries closely related to people's livelihoods, such as tap water, gas, and electricity, once the distribution channels are controlled, the only remaining issue is pricing. Even if an idiot were placed in the company's leadership, he wouldn't be able to bankrupt the company.

　Laying water pipes, gas pipes, and power lines into homes will create a large number of engineering jobs. These jobs don't require much knowledge; anyone who can do physical labor can do them. In this way, soldiers from rural areas will have a new option after retiring from the army, instead of returning to their hometowns to suffer hunger and hardship.

　As long as the career paths for retired officers are properly arranged and the employment problems of most retired soldiers are solved, then even if a few people try to incite the military to oppose the downsizing, ordinary officers and soldiers will be afraid of losing their eligibility for resettlement and will refuse to participate in any unrest. If it's just dealing with a small group of officers in the military who oppose the downsizing, I believe it shouldn't be too difficult.

　Yamamoto was truly moved this time. If he could force the army to accept the order to reduce troop numbers, then he wouldn't be as constrained as Saionji when he came to power and formed a cabinet. Compared to confronting the army head-on, this drastic measure was clearly more likely to force the army to submit. As long as those army officers and soldiers were willing to retire, Yamagata and Oyama would no longer be able to use the army's unanimous opposition to the troop reduction as a pretext to pressure the government.

　If the army's arrogance is suppressed, the next government will not face much interference in handling domestic affairs. The army uses the troop increase proposal as a bargaining chip, scrutinizing almost every policy promoted by the government, in an attempt to force the government to accept the army's troop increase plan.

　In the past, the Navy, as part of the military, would only applaud the Army's methods of forcing the government to compromise. However, when it came to the Navy organizing the government, the Army's methods seemed rather despicable. As long as the Army didn't cause trouble, Yamamoto believed he could still accomplish a lot, and thus he had a chance to leave a significant mark on history.

　At his level, seeking the prime ministership has only one meaning: historical positioning. In terms of power, the Minister of the Army and Navy and the prime minister are actually not that different. After all, the Minister of the Army and Navy can express the military's dissatisfaction politically, while the prime minister cannot interfere in military affairs. This is also the root of the current conflict between Ito and the army. The army believes that Ito, not being a general, cannot directly issue orders to the troops, but Ito insists that he has His Majesty's support and that the Korean troops stationed there must obey his orders.

　Even as a senior figure and Resident-General of Korea, Ito Hirobumi was unable to issue orders to the troops stationed in Korea, which illustrates how powerless the Prime Minister was in the face of the military. Therefore, for the sake of personal power alone, there was not much difference between the Minister of the Navy and the Prime Minister, except that the latter was the nominal head of government and thus held a higher position than the Ministers of the Army and Navy.

　Therefore, Yamamoto's purpose in wanting to become prime minister was twofold: first, to demonstrate his political ambitions, and second, to bring his political career to a perfect close. Only by becoming prime minister could he truly reach the pinnacle of a minister's life, and there was no greater achievement than that. And now, what was hindering him from ascending to this throne was precisely this bunch of dung beetles from the army.

　After regaining his senses, Yamamoto Gonbei looked at Hayashi Shinichi and asked, "So, the purpose of your report today is to ask me for personnel authority in the Navy?"

　Lin Xinyi quickly lowered his head and said sincerely, "The personnel power of the navy belongs to the ministers. How dare I ask for such authority? I only presented the conclusions drawn from the cultural studies research. If the navy cannot extend its influence to the local areas, even if it can retain all its talents, it will be difficult to spread its influence to the people. In contrast, the army has already begun to spread its influence to cities and villages through the establishment of rural veterans' associations. We have already caught up with the army. If we do not catch up as soon as possible, we may be one step behind the army in everything in the future."

　Although Lin Xinyi spoke with great righteousness, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe did not quite believe his words. Sending naval personnel to civilian areas sounded appealing, but in reality, it was just sending some incompetent officers to retire to civilian life. Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, was well aware of whether there were incompetent officers in the navy. Even though he had promoted two personnel reforms, the navy was still full of incompetent bureaucrats.

　For example, in this operation, some people laid mines outside Port Arthur but exceeded the designated area, resulting in one of their own warships being destroyed by its own mines outside the minefield. To cover up the truth, the fleet command claimed that Russian mines destroyed their warship, but that location was indeed far from Port Arthur. Unless the Russians could have predicted the Japanese navy's route, they would not have wasted their mines there.

　As for the fact that the Uemura Fleet failed to capture the Russian detachment in Vladivostok, resulting in the Japanese coast being harassed and threatened by the detachment, this was also due to the incompetence of some officers, who failed to make effective judgments based on intelligence. In fact, if the various intelligence reports had been compiled and analyzed in a unified manner, the movements of the Russian Vladivostok detachment could have been determined. Lin Xinyi used this as grounds to accuse the Yamamoto faction, who were in charge of communications, of dereliction of duty and corruption.

　However, Yamamoto Kaisho had little to complain about, as he himself was both a beneficiary and a creator of nepotism. His son-in-law and close subordinates rose through the ranks extremely quickly, naturally leading to the promotion of a group of officers with connections but insufficient ability. Lin Xinyi's proposal to send these people to local posts was, at least in Yamamoto Kaisho's view, not an intolerable condition.

　What displeased him was that Lin Xinyi had touched upon his personnel authority through this matter. He pondered for a long time before saying to Lin Xinyi, "Sending talent to local areas is not a bad thing, but do you have a comprehensive plan for who should go to local areas and who should stay?"

　Lin Xinyi, of course, wouldn't fall into Yamamoto's little trap. He smiled and replied, "How can there be a plan for such a thing? Who should stay and who should leave—that's naturally up to the minister. Of course, if the minister has any concerns, then perhaps it would be better to listen to the opinions of the core officers in the army, since they are the ones most affected by this matter. As long as the young officers in the army generally agree to the personnel adjustments, then I think the minister need not worry about it anymore."

　Yamamoto Kaisei couldn't help but frown, but he quickly relaxed his brows and looked at Lin Xinyi, saying, "Of course I will listen to the opinions of the backbone of the army, but you are also a member of the young officers, so why don't we listen to your opinion first?"

　After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi finally spoke up: "When I proposed the new route plan before, I said that with the rapid advancement of technology, naval operations have become much more efficient and effective. Therefore, it is more reasonable to accumulate technological and industrial strength than to build up warships. After all, the performance of the warships that are launched now is already outdated from the warships on the blueprints from the moment they are launched."

　These new technologies also require new education to cultivate entirely new talent. The officers and naval officers trained during the era of ironclad warships have knowledge structures that are no longer up to par with the new era. Therefore, it is far more reasonable to send these older officers, who are no longer competent in the new naval technologies, to civilian positions to utilize their abilities, rather than sending young people to civilian posts…

Chapter 594

Lin Xinyi stayed in the minister's office for nearly an hour, which was an exceptionally rare occurrence for a low-ranking officer like him. Even if a minister were to summon a lieutenant colonel, the meeting would be limited to 10 to 15 minutes, because the difference in their ranks was too great. The minister would not discuss any issues with an officer of such a rank; simply expressing his attitude would be sufficient.

Not to mention that Lin Xinyi came to the minister's office at the last minute, so there should have been even less to talk about. However, Lin Xinyi stayed in the minister's office for nearly an hour. This situation was quite perplexing for the minister's secretary, as it completely disrupted the minister's schedule for the day.

With lingering concerns, Saito Minoru paid close attention to the conversation in the minister's office. So, as soon as Hayashi Nobuyoshi left, he took his official business to the minister's office, trying to find out what Hayashi Nobuyoshi had reported that had kept Yamamoto talking to him for nearly an hour.

When Saito Makoto entered the minister's office, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was standing at the window, gazing blankly at the Imperial Palace in the distance. He only turned around when he heard the door open. Just as Saito Makoto was about to speak with his official documents in hand, Yamamoto sighed and said to him, "Kawahara is riding the wave. There's a plan on the table; take a look."

Saito Minoru forgot his excuse and subconsciously walked to the table to look through the plan. Although he didn't dare to calm down and read it carefully, as a Vice Minister of the Navy who had always handled practical matters, Saito vaguely understood the meaning behind the plan. He looked up and asked uncertainly, "Is this the work that Hayashi Shinji reported to you? What does Kawahara want to do?"

Yamamoto Kaisho walked back to his desk from the window and sat down, looking exhausted. He said, "The Saionji Cabinet probably won't last long. Kawahara submitting this plan at this time means that the next cabinet will likely fall into the hands of the Navy. This is the Navy's plan to proceed after forming a cabinet, regardless of who forms the cabinet."

"Whoever steps forward to form a cabinet? Besides you and Elder Ito, who else in the Navy could form a cabinet?" Saito asked doubtfully. However, seeing the fatigue on Yamamoto's face, an impossible thought suddenly flashed through his mind, and he exclaimed in astonishment, "Does Kawahara want to step forward to form a cabinet?"

Yamamoto Gonbei remained silent. Saito Minoru was about to say something to refute Kawahara's delusions, but after careful consideration, he realized that there were no real obstacles to Kawahara forming a cabinet. In the end, he could only angrily say, "How can Kawahara bypass you and form a cabinet on behalf of the Navy? Is there no rule? The Navy may not support Kawahara in doing such an unjust thing."

Yamamoto said with a wry smile, "Kawahara had no intention of bypassing me to form a cabinet. He reported the plan to me, which means he was willing to support me in forming a cabinet. If I refuse, then I can't stop him from taking office."

Saito Minoru was momentarily bewildered. Why was Yamamoto so exhausted by Kawahara's support for forming a cabinet on behalf of the Navy? Wasn't this exactly Yamamoto's political ideal? However, he quickly realized what was going on and exclaimed, "Kawahara wants your position? He's trying to force you out of your seat!"

Although Saito Minoru wanted to say that Kawahara was simply delusional, he quickly realized that Kawahara's coup was actually quite legitimate. If Yamamoto wanted to gain the support of the Navy to form a cabinet, he couldn't keep the ministerial position. Otherwise, it would make his faction seem too greedy. After all, the Navy is no longer the one-man show it used to be.

However, if Navy Minister Yamamoto were to relinquish this opportunity to form a cabinet in order to maintain his influence within the navy, then Kawahara would have no problem bypassing Yamamoto to form a cabinet on behalf of the navy, since the navy would not relinquish this opportunity. In this scenario, Yamamoto would still have to cooperate with Kawahara in implementing this plan within the new cabinet, and his authority within the navy would be shaken once again.

Saito Minoru, having just realized what was happening, blurted out, "We absolutely cannot let Kawahara have the opportunity to form a cabinet, otherwise we'll be at a disadvantage."

Yamamoto Gonbei looked up at Saito Makoto for a long while before saying calmly, "In that case, it's a foregone conclusion that Kawahara will take over as Minister of the Navy. There's no one else in the Navy who can compete with him for this position. After all, he was the one who proposed the new route, and now that he has submitted this plan, he has become the protector of the Navy's interests. His authority in the Navy is unshakable."

Saito fell silent for a moment. Although he wanted to express his hard work over the years, he quickly gave up. These efforts could gain the approval of Minister Yamamoto, but not the approval of the Navy. Serving Minister Yamamoto was not the same as serving the Navy. Minister Yamamoto would be grateful to him, but the Navy did not need to appreciate it.

After a long silence, Saito finally blurted out, "Kawahara didn't actually do anything. Wasn't this work done by Hayashi Shinji? How dare he take credit for his subordinates' work?"

Yamamoto could hear the resentment in Saito's words, but he also found it somewhat ridiculous. Attributing a subordinate's credit to a superior—wasn't that a tradition in Japan? Not to mention Kawahara, Saito and he themselves had done it to some extent. In the Battle of the Yellow Sea, Ito Sukeyuki was able to avoid trouble thanks to his subordinates' efforts to cover up any mistakes, but in the end, all the credit was given to Ito. In the earlier Edo period, it was even more common for superiors to take credit for their subordinates' achievements.

Saito's dissatisfaction stemmed from Hayashi Nobuyoshi's exceptional performance. Generally, there's a limit to appropriating subordinates' credit; excessive appropriation leading to discord between superiors and subordinates is a scandal. However, Hayashi Nobuyoshi's endless stream of ideas meant he didn't care about Kawahara's appropriation of his credit. He always managed to create even bigger goals afterward, to the point that Kawahara didn't even need to actively claim credit; Hayashi Nobuyoshi would proactively deliver it to him.

With subordinates like this, Kawahara had essentially won against everyone else without lifting a finger. It was understandable that Saito harbored such resentment, since he didn't have such an extraordinary figure under his command. Otherwise, given the power wielded by the Navy Ministry, how could Kawahara have suppressed him so completely? Just a few years ago, the Naval General Staff was merely a shell, but now it had become another power center within the Navy. To outsiders, this was undoubtedly a testament to Kawahara's abilities as Chief of Staff.

The expansion of the Naval General Staff's power led many officials within the Ministry of the Navy to have reservations about Saito, the vice minister in charge of daily operations. They believed that Saito only had the ability to maintain the status quo and lacked the ability to expand, otherwise how could he have made the Ministry of the Navy make concessions to the Naval General Staff? This questioning of Saito's abilities also undermined his position as the successor to the Minister of the Navy.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe sympathized with Saitō. After all, he knew that even if he and Saitō switched places, they might not be able to suppress the expansion of the Naval General Staff. Every expansion of the Naval General Staff's power strengthened the overall strength of the Navy, not just the Navy Ministry. Obstructing the expansion of the Naval General Staff's power was essentially hindering the development of the Navy. After one or two such incidents, he would inevitably be regarded as a stubborn and conservative outdated figure by the entire Navy. For Saitō, who was trying to lead the Navy forward, he could not bear such a label.

Saito was, after all, only one step away from becoming a minister. Although he uttered complaints out of resentment, he quickly adjusted his mindset and turned to a crucial question: "Does Prime Minister Saionji intend to resign? If he doesn't, how do they plan to remove him from office?"

After a moment of silence, Yamamoto replied, "It's not them, it's the army. Although Prime Minister Saionji doesn't currently intend to resign, under pressure from the army, he might still consider giving up..."

However, Saito was still a notch below Yamamoto Gonnohyōe in decisiveness. At this moment, he still held onto a glimmer of hope and said, "If Prime Minister Saionji makes some concessions to the army, perhaps the army won't force Prime Minister Saionji to resign?"

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe glanced at Saitō Makoto and said calmly, "We cannot allow Saionji and the Army to compromise, otherwise the Army will regain control of the national government. In that case, the pressure will fall on me, the Minister of the Navy."

Saito Minoru was utterly speechless. Yamamoto's words had already revealed his decision, but Yamamoto had hoped that Saito would bring it up first to maintain their relationship. He had already lost out in the battle for the ministerial position. Saito stared blankly out the window, listening to the cicadas chirping outside, and felt a surge of irritation.

"The cicadas are starting to sing really early this year." Arima Ryotachi, standing in Sato Tetsutaro's office, looked out at the view of Shinagawa and couldn't help but sigh. Sato Tetsutaro walked over to him and handed him a cup of tea, adding casually, "The scenery in Shinagawa is really nice. Compared to the hustle and bustle of the city, I prefer it here. It has a bit of an Edo-era feel to it."

Arima also agreed with Tetsutaro Sato's view. Although this is an era in which machines have triumphed over human power, and those steel behemoths can inspire awe, as Japanese people, their aesthetic sense still remains rooted in natural and rustic charm. Tokyo's Akarawa Street looks no different from the streets of London, but Tokyoites don't actually appreciate it. They still prefer the simple wooden houses of the Edo period because these houses are breathable and make people feel close to nature.

To enhance the nation's image and gain Western acceptance, numerous Western-style buildings were erected along the main passageways for foreigners entering and exiting the Imperial Palace. However, top politicians and tycoons preferred to build villas in scenic locations for their own residences. Shinagawa, formerly the premier post station on the Tokaido, already boasted beautiful scenery, leading to the construction of numerous temples and shrines. As a result, the construction of a railway through the area faced strong resistance from local residents, ultimately forcing it to detour northward.

Although the construction of the railway led to a surge in travelers heading to Tokyo, causing a rapid decline in the local entertainment industry that had developed around the post stations, Shinagawa remains the area in the Tokyo metropolitan area that retains the most Edo-era charm, and its natural scenery is naturally breathtaking. The Naval General Staff Building was built here, not only to escape the hustle and bustle of Tokyo but also to enjoy this beautiful view.

However, Arima wasn't there to admire the scenery of Shinagawa today. He quickly turned his attention away from the view outside the window and asked Sato Tetsutaro beside him, "You arrived a while earlier than me, so you should know something about Shinagawa. Do you have any information to share with me?"

Sato Tetsutaro glanced at Arima Ryotachibana, pondered for a moment, and then organized his thoughts to say, "In the past, whether it was the Ministry of the Navy or the Naval General Staff, the first department was always the core department, and the rest were arranged in order of importance."

However, the situation within the Military Command has changed. While the First Department remains nominally the core department, the Fourth Department's influence has extended beyond the Military Command's boundaries. Your appointment as the head of the Fourth Department this time isn't exactly a case of being sidelined. It's just…”

Arima Ryotachi casually asked, "Just what?"

After thinking for a moment, Sato Tetsutaro said sincerely, "The rise in the status of the Fourth Division actually comes from the newly established cultural class. Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi Shin-yi's talent is truly amazing, but becoming his direct superior is also a great burden."

Arima Ryotachibana scratched his head upon hearing this. With a large influx of fleet staff officers into the Naval General Staff, he, Sato, and Akiyama had all secured important positions. Yet, even so, they couldn't bring about a generational shift within the Naval General Staff. This was because Kawahara-Togo had truly established himself within the Naval General Staff, going beyond simply holding the positions of Chief of Staff and Vice Chief of Staff.

Kawahara and Togo's foundation in the Naval General Staff ultimately lay in the two plans proposed by Hayashi Shin-yi: an independent Naval General Staff and a new naval route. Even these fleet staff officers who had made meritorious contributions in the war could only obediently advance on the foundation laid by Kawahara and Togo when they arrived at the Naval General Staff. They could not come up with a convincing plan to develop another system.

So Sato Tetsutaro was absolutely right. For a subordinate like Hayashi Shinji, who had both the support of his superiors and personal abilities, being his direct superior was indeed a tough job. However, Arima couldn't possibly be afraid of such a young junior and not take the position; that would make him a laughingstock, especially since he had the support of people like Togo Heihachiro.

After thinking for a moment, Arima said with a self-deprecating smile, "We're already sitting at the table, and someone has brought the food to our mouths. It seems a bit pretentious to talk about whether the food suits our taste at this point."

Sato Tetsutaro didn't know how to respond, but Arima quickly said calmly, "Isn't Akiyama on good terms with Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi? Let him invite Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi for a drink, at least to understand his thoughts, so that we can work together better in the future."

Sato Tetsutaro paused for a moment, then quickly nodded in agreement, saying, "That's a good idea. Let's sit down and discuss our work plans first, so everyone can figure out how to cooperate..."

At this point, Sato Tetsutaro had completely forgotten his seniority. He had been thoroughly refuted by Lin Xinyi at the last meeting, so he couldn't put on any airs of seniority in front of Lin Xinyi. Moreover, in terms of battle achievements, Lin Xinyi was actually no worse than them. His participation in the Chinese Expeditionary Force in Tibet was at least semi-public knowledge among the upper echelons of the Military Command.

Although Lin Xinyi fought on land, he led only a small force of Chinese soldiers and Tibetan militia against the world's leading power, and had defeated the British in British India. Ignoring such a record and treating his opponents as inexperienced rookies shows that he did not have the mental fortitude to fight them.

Arima Ryotachi probably felt the same way, which is why she turned around and invited him first instead of waiting for him to invite her. Sato Tetsutaro didn't return for quite a while, and his expression was a bit strange when he came in. Arima Ryotachi patiently waited for Sato's reply.

Sato quickly regained his composure and said to him, "Lin Xinyi is here today, but he went to the chief's office and hasn't come out yet, almost half an hour ago. He told Akiyama that he would come and tell us when Lin Xinyi comes out."

Arima Ryotachibana understood why Sato's expression had been so strange earlier. Ministers like themselves couldn't just sit down for long talks with Commissioner-General Kawahara every time they met. While the Commissioner-General's work wasn't as hectic as that of a minister, it wasn't easy either, so idle chatter was definitely out of the question. Hayashi Nobuyoshi had stayed in the Commissioner-General's office for half an hour, clearly indicating that the work they discussed was quite important. However, Arima, as Hayashi Nobuyoshi's superior, was completely unaware of this, which was truly embarrassing.

After a moment of silence, Arima said somewhat awkwardly, "Perhaps Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi hasn't realized he already has a superior. It seems we really need to strengthen our connections, otherwise he won't even recognize me next time we meet..."

Sato Tetsutarou: “…”

In Kawahara Yoichi's office, Hayashi Shinichi briefly recounted his meeting with Yamamoto Kaisho that day to Chief of Staff Kawahara. Kawahara listened attentively, and after finishing, he asked to confirm, "Do you really think Yamamoto Kaisho has tacitly agreed to our arrangements?"

After a few breaths of thought, Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "The current trend in the Navy is to form a cabinet and suppress the Army. Minister of the Navy Yamamoto is unlikely to go against the tide; it wouldn't benefit him. Even if he really wanted to, not many within the Navy would support him, allowing the Navy to lose such a crucial opportunity. Minister Yamamoto would find it difficult to maintain his position as minister. For us, the situation won't be too bad..."

Chapter 595

After hearing Lin Xinyi's explanation, Kawahara Yoichi felt relieved. For the past two days, he had been trying to figure out what Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and Ito Sukeyuki were thinking. His anxiety stemmed from what Saitō Minoru had said: apart from siding with the new naval line, he had no other real achievements, and his interpersonal relationships were far inferior to those of Yamamoto and Saitō, who had worked in the central government for half their lives. Moreover, the nomination of the Minister of the Navy was not a formal process.

After all, the Navy's self-renewal process was interrupted by the Army after the Satsuma Rebellion. Saigo Tsugumichi was urgently transferred from the Army to the Navy as Minister in order to maintain the Navy's independence.

It was during this special period that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe became Saigō Tsugumichi's assistant in managing the navy, thus bypassing veterans with practical experience to become the successor to the minister. Saitō's experience was similar to Yamamoto's; he was also a bureaucrat from the central government and was not actually familiar with fleet affairs.

Because both Yamamoto and Saito were core members of the navy who came from central bureaucratic backgrounds, admirals from the fleet had little say in the selection of ministerial candidates. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was willing to take a huge risk by replacing Hidaka Takanojo with Togo Heihachirō before the war, in an attempt to suppress the united fleet faction of admirals with Togo, who was not a graduate of the Marine Academy.

This explains why, when the Naval General Staff initiated the rebellion against the Navy Ministry, while the fleet faction of admirals expressed dissatisfaction with the downsizing policy, they weren't actually that resolute, as many preferred to see Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe fall from power. Looking at his personal background, Kawahara Yoichi was an admiral from the fleet, so when conflicts arose between central ministries, the fleet faction found it difficult to wholeheartedly support Minister Yamamoto.

However, only someone like Hayashi Shin-yi, who is unrelated to the situation, could make such a decision. As direct beneficiaries, Kawahara Yoichi and Togo Masamichi would find it difficult to leverage their existing power to gamble against Yamamoto Kaisō and Saitō Jichō. Even if they ultimately won this gamble, neither of them would fully understand why they won, naturally leading to a sense of crisis, as if they were standing on a cloud of opportunity.

Kawahara felt that anyone could replace him in his position, which was why he was worried that Yamamoto Kaisho and Ito Genro would quickly compromise and oust him. However, after hearing Hayashi Shin'ichi's report on his meeting with Kaisho, his anxiety subsided considerably.

After hesitating for a moment, Kawahara said to Hayashi Shin'ichi, "Now that Yamamoto Kaisho has agreed to our demands, shouldn't we just quietly wait for the Saionji Cabinet to collapse?"

Lin Xinyi immediately shook his head and said, "Of course not. Although the general trend is in our favor, the situation will not remain unchanged. We must ensure that the general trend continues to move forward in accordance with our requirements, instead of sitting idly by and watching the situation develop freely. Otherwise, we will lose control of the situation and rely on luck to determine the outcome."

Kawahara Yoichi asked, somewhat puzzled, "What can we do now? Is it possible for the situation to reverse?"

After pondering for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "The Military Command has made many plans, but what truly proves a plan's success is not how many people support it, but whether the final result deviates from the plan's calculations. In other words, before the outcome is determined, we cannot discuss whether a plan is successful or not."

While the collapse of the Saionji Cabinet was inevitable from an objective standpoint, the various factors involved in its collapse were uncontrollable. We cannot rely on the collapse of the Saionji Cabinet to reorganize the navy; instead, we should implement a reorganization plan for the navy with the collapse of the Saionji Cabinet as the goal.

Since Yamamoto Kaisho has already acknowledged the inevitability of the Saionji Cabinet's collapse, he has no choice but to make concessions to us on the naval reorganization, as he cannot afford to risk breaking with us at this time.

Therefore, we should seize this opportunity to push forward the naval reorganization plan, demonstrating to the entire navy that you are the sole candidate for the next Minister of the Navy. In this way, regardless of when the Saionji cabinet collapses, the transition of generations within the navy will be complete.

"Oh, oh." Kawahara Yoichi finally understood Hayashi Shinji's plan. Although the Saionji Cabinet was bound to fall, there were still many uncertainties before it did. If the handover of the Minister of the Navy was only started after the Saionji Cabinet fell, it would obviously create many more uncertainties for him.

At this point, with Yamamoto Kaisho also convinced that the Saionji cabinet was doomed, he used the naval reorganization plan to solidify his determination to become the next Minister of the Navy. Yamamoto Kaisho was unable to stop him, so the relationship between whether the Saionji cabinet collapsed or not and his succession as Minister of the Navy was not so close. In other words, he had to put the fruits of victory in his own pocket first, and then Yamamoto Kaisho could wholeheartedly compete for the position of Prime Minister and would no longer have any intention of staying in the Navy. This also eliminated many uncertainties.

At this moment, Kawahara also knew that he had no way out. When he began to seek the position of Minister of the Navy, he had already formed an irreconcilable opposition with Saito Minoru, which was similar to the opposition between Ito Genro and Yamamoto Kaisho.

Originally retiring in the General Staff, Ito Sukeyuki had to launch an attack on Yamamoto Kaisho after becoming a Genro (elder statesman). This was because the two sides' power clashed, and unless Ito completely relinquished his Genro power, he would inevitably have to oppose Yamamoto's will.